WISE
- The World Institute
of Scientology Enterprises
Scientology
takes over doctors office as if they are underwriting a percentage
(dues) of the business and as further totally financially consumed,
(so-to-speak = 'marks' in commerce)
Sociology
of Religion
Winter,
1998 by Deana Hall
Excerpts
in "quotes" from: Managing
to recruit: religious conversion in the workplace
(Comments
By Maureen in parenthesis)
"PMC
consultants arrange - PMCs practice management companiesindividual
consultations with each medical professional, during which they
discuss training programs appropriate to the doctor's medical
practice (WISE 1992: 5; Hall and Kent 1995: 6). If the practitioners
agree to purchase consulting services, then the next step in
the process is a practice analysis."
(WISE/Scientology
uses mental testing and coercive interrogation to begin removing
real doctor [specific]) requirements:)
"
In addition to providing PMC staff with information about the
general financial accounting and patient loads of the practice,
the medical professionals also provide personal information
about themselves, their spouses, and their staff through a personality
profile, the Oxford Capacity Analysis. These personality profiles
represent an essential element of the practice analysis, and
according to one subject, "from [the PMC's] point of view,
we were not allowed to have employees who didn't want to answer
the test" (Hall and Kent 1995: 9).
Often
practice analyses go beyond professional issues and enter into
the personal life of the practitioner. According to one subject,
"[The consultant] asked me a lot of very, very personal
questions about me: 'Are you a drinker ? Do you do drugs ? Do
you have sex outside of marriage?'" (Dexheimer 1991: 12).
The subject's wife added:
After
the [practice analysis] meeting, they knew everything about
us. They knew how much life insurance he had, with whom, his
parents' income, any inheritance he was coming into, every checking
account, our mortgage. They knew how much I paid for my horse-trailer.
They knew how many portable radios we have in the house. They
knew more about our finances than I do (Dexheimer 1991: 13).
"
(WISE/Scientology
uses their fee to then handle all claims. No longer are medical
information, known real medical conditions and family and friends
and finances yours. They have all they need to secure that 'mark
in commerce' to WISE, to begin the extraction of money.)
"PMCs
can use this extensive knowledge of the professionals' financial
situation to counter individual refusals to sign up for courses
based on a lack of financial resources (Geary 1994: 9, 10, 14;
Hall and Kent 1995: 36; Hall and Kent 1994: 56). As we shall
see, the PMCs also can use this information at a later date
to convince medical professionals that they need Scientology
courses to handle personal problems. Following their practice
analysis, practitioners attend their first practice management
training program."
(Although
no coercion seems evident as the programs front are beautifully
laced with strong sales principles to get the raw meat, both
doctor and patients pumping the customers in the door.):
"Although
PMCs do not force practitioners to undertake Scientology training
or counseling, some evidence exists that they pressure their
clients to do so. For some practitioners, the pressure was very
subtle, for others it was a "hard sell" approach that
did not appear to offer opportunities for refusal (Geary 1994;
Hall and Kent 1994; Hall and Kent 1995). "
(Then
the real coercion begins based on using subversion through psychological
warfare):
"In
summary, during the initial stage of the conversion process,
the PMCs introduce the professionals to Hubbard's ideology as
a potentially effective management tool. After the initial professional
management introduction, PMC staff arrange for their clients
to meet with
Scientology
recruiters to discuss the possible applications of Hubbard's
ideology to their personal lives. By licensing individual companies
to promote Hubbard's ideology, and then utilizing those companies
as funnels into itself, Scientology has generated a successful
and lucrative recruitment and resource mobilization vehicle."
(The
systematic process of shell shock begins. Both doctors and patients
all begin to start experiencing lapses of memory, confusion;
The only thing that keeps the business going during the vulnerable
state of affairs is the working of the management principles
known as Scientology tech. Scientology is in effect now relabeling
each condition specific to the the business as statistics).
(Hard
sell tactics mixed with repetitive confusion techniques are
further used to subvert the business, owners real estate, home,
and assets as though a loss claim.)
All that's
needed from this point on, are staged events and actors that
help to make that next claim (statistic) to Scientology.
They provide plenty of good neighbors and friends to help you.
Maureen
/Source: http://groups.google.ch/group/fr.soc.sectes
Managing
to recruit: religious conversion in the workplace
Sociology
of Religion, Winter, 1998
by
Deana Hall
- http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m0SOR/is_4_59/ai_53590311
- http://groups.google.com/group/alt.religion.scientology
One of
the central arguments of resource mobilization theory is that
social movements need resources in order to survive (McCarthy
and Zald 1987: 28). New Religious Movements with expressed goals
of effecting change in society fall within McCarthy and Zald's
conceptualization of a social movement, and as such researchers
have examined the resource mobilization strategies of a number
of these social groups (Bird and Westley 1988; Bromley 1985;
Johnston 1980; Khalsa 1986; Richardson 1988; Robbins 1988; Tipton
1988). One new religious movement, however, that has not been
examined extensively regarding its resource mobilization strategies
is the Church of Scientology.(1)
This article
utilizes resource mobilization theory's general precepts to
examine a specific component of Scientology's economic activities.(2)
It focuses on the movement's recruitment of medical professionals
through medically-based practice management companies (PMCs).
Through a licensing agreement with Scientology, the PMCs have
obtained the right to use the writings of Scientology's founder,
L. Ron Hubbard, to teach management skills to medical professionals,
including dentists, veterinarians, podiatrists, and chiropractors
(among others). In addition to practical management advice,
PMCs also offer their clients an introduction to the Church
of Scientology. The link between PMCs and Scientology provides
an example of the mediation of ideological recruitment through
front companies, as originally described by Bird and Westley
(1988).(3)
Although
resource mobilization theory allows us to explain the economic
activities of social movements, it does not offer provisions
for analyzing the motivations of individuals who join them (Kent
1982). In order to amend this theoretically-based oversight,
I use Lofland and Stark's conversion model to explain how and
why some individuals become involved in particular social movements.
In essence, Lofland and Stark's conversion model offers theorists
an opportunity to examine the motivation of individuals in joining
ideological organizations, which strategy heretofore has been
missing from resource mobilization theory. The model allows
researchers to identify the social factors that foster individual
involvement in a social movement such as Scientology, and is
thus particularly appropriate for application to the present
study.
Interaction
between medical professionals, PMCs, and Scientology generally
follows a pattern of increasing commitment that I divide into
three distinct stages: initial contact, practice management
consulting, and direct participation in Scientology. This article
outlines the general pattern of interaction between the medical
professionals and Scientology, then examines this interaction
in the context of resource mobilization theory and Lofland and
Stark's conversion model in order to explain the motivations
of both the social movement and its potential members.(4)
Interaction
between medical professionals and Scientology's affiliated practice
management companies generally begins with a PMC-initiated meeting
either for an introductory seminar or free analysis of the medical
practice. During the introductory seminars, recruiting staff
present L. Ron Hubbard's management principles and provide examples
of how the professionals can apply these techniques in both
professional and personal arenas (WISE 1988: 8). Following these
introductory seminars, PMC consultants arrange individual consultations
with each medical professional, during which they discuss training
programs appropriate to the doctor's medical practice (WISE
1992: 5; Hall and Kent 1995: 6). If the practitioners agree
to purchase consulting services, then the next step in the process
is a practice analysis.
Practice
analyses generally involve intense and exhaustive examinations
of the individual medical practice.(5) In addition to providing
PMC staff with information about the general financial accounting
and patient loads of the practice, the medical professionals
also provide personal information about themselves, their spouses,
and their staff through a personality profile, the Oxford Capacity
Analysis. These personality profiles represent an essential
element of the practice analysis, and according to one subject,
"from [the PMC's] point of view, we were not allowed to
have employees who didn't want to answer the test" (Hall
and Kent 1995: 9).
Often
practice analyses go beyond professional issues and enter into
the personal life of the practitioner. According to one subject,
"[The consultant] asked me a lot of very, very personal
questions about me: 'Are you a drinker? Do you do drugs ? Do
you have sex outside of marriage?'" (Dexheimer 1991: 12).
The subject's wife added:
After
the [practice analysis] meeting, they knew everything about
us. They knew how much life insurance he had, with whom, his
parents' income, any inheritance he was coming into, every checking
account, our mortgage. They knew how much I paid for my horse-trailer.
They knew how many portable radios we have in the house. They
knew more about our finances than I do (Dexheimer 1991: 13).
PMCs can
use this extensive knowledge of the professionals' financial
situation to counter individual refusals to sign up for courses
based on a lack of financial resources (Geary 1994: 9, 10, 14;
Hall and Kent 1995: 36; Hall and Kent 1994: 56). As we shall
see, the PMCs also can use this information at a later date
to convince medical professionals that they need Scientology
courses to handle personal problems. Following their practice
analysis, practitioners attend their first practice management
training program.
The practice
management training program generally consists of supervised
reading, twelve hours daily for five to eight days (Gorman 1990:
28). During training, generally offered at PMC's training facilities,
PMC consultants will identify for the doctors potential "problems"
supposedly indicated by their Oxford Capacity Analysis personality
profile.(6) The consultant will suggest that unless the professional
"handles" these personal problems, all of the time
and money invested in the management course will be wasted.
The consultant then will suggest or recommend that the professional
consult with a recruiter from Scientology (Ochart 1993a, 124;
Ochart 1993b, 230, 237, 249; Hall and Kent 1995: 17). During
this Scientology consultation, the Scientologist recommends
a specific program of both courses and auditing (which is a
form of psychological therapy and ideological instruction),
to help the person deal with the personal issues identified
by the personality profile.
According
to interview subjects, these meetings occur late at night, after
several long days of training. Often the meeting results in
PMC clients agreeing to join Scientology in an effort to gain
Scientology's assistance in alleviating these newly identified
alleged personal problems. One interview subject commented on
this process as it occurred during his practice management training
program.
The scuttlebutt
was that ... this guy was a recruiter
for Scientology, and everybody knew that.
So everybody, all of us, all the dentists and podiatrists,... and periodontists and chiropractors
that were there with us, we all went in [to
the private meeting with the Scientology recruiter]
with our eyes open, knowing that this guy was going to try to
get us to sign up for Scientology. And so we all had this sense
of invulnerability, that we were tough and we weren't going
to fall for this....None of us were going to sign up for
this. In reality, every single one of us did, every single one
of us did (Hall and Kent 1995: 17-18).
Although
it is difficult to access specific percentages,
the data indicate that medical professionals
do enter Scientology through PMC management
programs. Officials for one PMC, for example,
acknowledge that about 20 percent of the chiropractors
who sign up for management consulting
also wind up in Scientology courses (Koff
1987). In fact, a number of WISE publications,
including the 1989 Western United States
Business Directory, refer to one of the PMCs as
being Scientology's most effective recruiting
organization (Ochart 1993b: 249, exhibit
5; Wilson 1993: 99, exhibit 2; WISE 1989).
Although
PMCs do not force practitioners to undertake
Scientology training or counseling, some evidence
exists that they pressure their clients to do
so. For some practitioners, the pressure was very subtle,
for others it was a "hard sell" approach
that did not appear to offer opportunities
for refusal (Geary 1994; Hall and Kent 1994;
Hall and Kent 1995).
n summary,
during the initial stage of the conversion
process, the PMCs introduce the professionals
to Hubbard's ideology as a potentially
effective management tool. After the initial
professional management introduction, PMC staff
arrange for their clients to meet with Scientology
recruiters to discuss the possible applications
of Hubbard's ideology to their personal
lives. By licensing individual companies to promote
Hubbard's ideology, and then utilizing those
companies as funnels into itself, Scientology
has generated a successful and lucrative
recruitment and resource mobilization vehicle.
INITIAL
INTERACTION (7)
Resource
Mobilization Theory
In addition
to acquiring finances, another primary task of
any social movement involves obtaining and maintaining
constituents(8) (McCarthy and Zald 1977:1221).
Because of their increased access to resource
pools and control over their own discretionary
time and money, elites - in this case medical
professionals - are the most valuable constituents
of any social movement (McCarthy and Zald 1973:
11). The elite socio-economic status that medical
professionals share makes them attractive
potential constituents for Scientology's
PMCs.
Initial
interaction between Scientology's PMCs and the medical
professionals generally occurs when the professionals
receive an invitation in the mail to
attend a free introductory seminar or participate
in a free practice analysis. In addition
to contacting potential clients through direct-mail
solicitations, the PMCs also mail newsletters
and magazines to professionals (WISE 1988:
8).(9) These magazines contain advertisements
for consulting services, testimonials
from present clients, free personality
assessments, advertisements for L. Ron Hubbard
publications, as well as articles promoting
the benefits of practice management consulting.
They also introduce L. Ron Hubbard's administrative
ideas to the professionals (WISE 1988:
8). Thus, without ever having met with a PMC representative,
some professionals may already have been
introduced to Scientology doctrine.(10)
The combination
of an existing predisposing need for practice
management consulting among medical professionals
and the PMCs' ability to market an attractive
product has led to a number of medical professionals
becoming indirect constituents of Scientology.(11)
In other words, both individual motivation
on the part of medical professionals (as described
by Lofland and Stark) and Scientology's
interest in gaining elite constituents
(as described by resource mobilization
theory) form much of the explanation for the
success of this recruitment strategy.
Conversion
Model
Lofland
and Stark (1965: 864) view conversion as a series
of seven sequential stages that converts follow
en route to total commitment.(12) They divide
the conversion process into two distinct categories:
predisposing conditions and situational
contingencies. Predisposing conditions include
some form of tension, a problem-solving perspective
aligned with the ideology of the recruiting
organization, and a self-designation by the pre-convert
as a seeker. These background factors
offer necessary, but not sufficient, motivation
for conversion.
Tension.(13)
The consulting packages that Scientology's
PMCs offer their clients are attractive
to the medical professionals for a number
of reasons. First, analysis of the contents of professional
medical training indicates that professionals
obtain very little practice management
training during their formal education, creating
a deficiency of skill in this area.(14)
Second,
medical professionals are facing increasing
intraprofessional competition and declining
profitability. These social and economic conditions
often lead professionals to seek some form of
management assistance (Crain 1989: 25).
Both interview
and media data indicated that the professionals
felt a need to supplement the management
training they might have received during
their university education. One dentist indicated
that:
[The Scientology-based
practice management program]
really filled a void for me as far has having
a management technology .... Dental school
provides you with the technology of dentistry
so you can practice, but it doesn't give you an
education in administration and communication.
When it comes down to treating patients,
you have to deal with staff and communicate
with patients on dental needs and treatment
plans. Anything that can help you do that is
a tremendous asset to the profession (Jakush
1989: 15).
Other
professionals in the sample agree that professional
education offered little assistance in preparing
them to manage their practices (Hall and Kent
1994: 87; Hall and Kent 1995: 52).
Lack of
formal training in practice management skill
is only one of the economic challenges facing
contemporary medical professionals. A second
challenge relates to declining incomes among
medical professionals. According to one recent
Canadian estimate, average 1990 incomes for full-time
dentists was almost five thousand dollars
less per year than it was in 1980 (Coutts 1995:
A7). Decreasing wages partly are a result of increasing
competition, since the total number of practicing
dentists increased by almost 3,000 during
that ten year period. Increased competition,
along with better oral health in the general
population have placed significant strains on the
profitability of Canadian dental practices (Coutts
1995: A7).(15)
Limited
management training, increased intraprofessional
competition, and decreased profitability
can lead to financial tension for some medical
professionals. The existence of financial
tension represents the first of a series of steps
leading to conversion into Scientology via PMCs.
Presumably, not all medical professionals
experience financial tension, and not all
medical professionals experiencing financial
tension seek management assistance. It is clear
however, from an examination of the subjects
in both the interview and media samples, that professionals
who sought management consulting
felt a need to augment their existing administrative
skills. Professionals who encounter this tension
experience the first of Lofland and Stark's
predisposing conditions and, in some cases,
continue on the path towards conversion.
Problem-Solving
Perspective. In addition to the experiences
of tension, Lofland and Stark suggest that individuals
who hold problem-solving perspectives
similar to the ideological organization
have an increased likelihood of conversion.(16)
Subjects in this study offer examples
of a preference for an objective, scientific
approach to problem solving. One dentist
referred to an appreciation for the "black and white,"
"concrete" nature of the PMC approach to management
(Hall and Kent 1994: 30-31). The dentist
believed in the authenticity of consultants'
recommendations because consultants presented
them in the form of statistical graphs, a media
that appealed to the dentist's "science background"
(Hall and Kent 1994: 30). A veterinarian
also expressed a preference for the PMCs supposedly
scientific approach to management.
They call
it "technology".... I didn't realize that management
had become so scientific that you would
actually call it technology, but that's the word they
use. And it certainly gives an impression
that they have everything so codified, and so
well defined that there's no art to it at all. Its
pure science. . . . Management is easy to do, if
you just learn it the right way, their way (Hall
and Kent 1995: 14).
Having
learned a scientific approach to problem-solving
during their formal education, subjects
appeared to be relieved that they could apply
the same method to practice management (Hall and Kent
1994: 17-18; Hall and Kent 1995: 6, 14).
Seekership.
Lofland and Stark (1965: 368) suggest that when
problems arise, individuals actively will seek
strategies that support their problem-solving
preference. Thus, medical professionals
with management difficulties who have a
scientific problem-solving perspective probably
will seek a scientific or rational solution
to those problems. The medical professionals
in the study offer evidence of seekership,
to the extent that they sought outside assistance
with their management difficulties, through
apparently rational management programs. Regardless
of the individual situation, however, the professional
presumably must feel some need for management
training in order to seek consulting
services.
In summary,
practice management companies that offer
Hubbard's ideology in the form of management techniques
mediate initial interaction between medical
professionals and Scientology. Because professional
education provides little if any practice
management skills, professionals may be predisposed
to need or want some form of management
assistance. By capitalizing on this dearth
of management skills and training, Scientology
is able to use its preexisting management
technology to turn thousands of medical professionals
into constituents.(17) If Scientology
can increase this initial commitment, then it
converts these constituents into adherents 18 of
its social movement efforts to "clear the planet."
PRACTICE
MANAGEMENT TRAINING
Resource
Mobilization
The relationship
between Scientology and its PMCs is similar
to a recruitment pattern originally described
by Bird and Westley (1988). They describe
New Religious Movements (like Scientology)
as active missionary movements, ever eager
to spread their message by direct and particularly
by indirect methods (1988:51). One such indirect
method of Scientology recruitment, specifically
of medical professionals, is through its practice
management training programs.(19)
PMC consulting
is an indirect recruitment method because
it introduces clients to Scientology through
their involvement in management training. Although
PMC executives deny any relationship between
Scientology and their companies, several factors
indicate strong ties between the organizations
(Cartwright 1990: 1, 4; Dexheimer 1991:
12; Koff 1987: 5; Lopez 1993: H1; Witt 1989: 11; Zuziak
1991: 2039). The first indication is that Hubbard's
management technology forms the basis
of the PMCs' training programs. PMCs obtain the right
to use Hubbard's ideas through the World Institute
of Scientology Enterprises [WISE].
The purpose
of WISE is "getting L. Ron Hubbard's administrative
technology broadly disseminated and used in
the business world" (Church of Scientology International
1989: 20). Towards this end, WISE licenses
individuals and businesses to use Hubbard's
administrative technology. WISE markets and promotes
programs designed to expand its own membership
and the dissemination of Scientology doctrines.
Thus, the first link between Scientology
and its practice management programs is organizational.(20)
Medical practitioners who enroll
in PMC courses learn the same organizational
and management techniques that the Church
of Scientology uses (Ochart 1993a 60; Ochart
1993b: 293-295,303; Hall and Kent 1995: 13, 15).
Even if
medical professionals choose not to enroll in training
and auditing directly from Scientology,
they nonetheless receive exposure to Scientology
doctrine and practices. The Modern Management
Technology that PMCs use is the same technology
offered within Scientology to its own executives
(WISE 1983: ii; Hall and Kent 1995: 13,15).
Consequently the management companies' training
programs mimic those of Scientology in both content
and format.(21)
The Oxford
Capacity Analysis personality profiles represent
an additional tie between Scientology and its
PMCs. As previously discussed, PMC consultants
administer the profiles to the medicial
professionals and their staff early in the consultation
process, and refer their clients to Scientology
based on the results. One PMC president
summarized the referral process in this way: "We
do not deal in personal problems, marital problems,
or any problems but business problems ... If
[clients] don't have anybody to help them, we will
tell them about Scientology . . ." (quoted in Zuziak
1991: 2040). The CEO of another PMC made a similar
statement when he claimed that PMC consultants
will direct clients toward Scientology for help
with personal problems because they feel it is
"the best help around" (quoted in Jakush 1989:
4). In other words, as part of their practice
evaluation, the consulting firms utilize a personality
profile that almost invariably indicates
a need for some form of counseling or therapy.
Once they have identified this supposed need in
clients, the PMC consultants refer them to the Church
of Scientology.
Conversion
Model
In their
conversion model, Lofland and Stark suggest
that the identification of personal problems,
which they label "turning points," is an essential
element in recruitment into an ideological
organization. The theorists note that the effectiveness
of turning points in contributing
to the conversion process hinges on the timing
of the event (Lofland and Stark 1965: 870).
Essentially, preconverts who reach turning points
in their lives shortly before or concurrently
with their encounter with ideological organizations
are more likely to convert than are individuals
who are not at such significant life-junctures
(Lofland and Stark 1965: 870).
In the
context of the Lofland and Stark conversion model,
Scientology uses the Oxford Capacity Analysis
to create or highlight turning points for medical
professionals. These turning points involve
the "identification" of personal problems that supposedly
are hindering business performance.
Subsequently Scientology, via its PMCs,
offers a convenient solution to these problems.
In this way, the organization attempts to develop
a "situational contingency," either by emphasizing
existing problems or suggesting potential
difficulties.
Lofland
and Stark (1965: 864) refer to situational contingencies
as conditions that arise from "confrontation
and interaction" between the potential
convert and the ideological organization.
The theorists argue that these conditions
lead to the successful recruitment of predisposed
individuals. Toward this recruitment end, Scientology
utilizes the personality profiles to generate
the first in a series of situational contingencies
that bring the medical professionals closer
to ideological conversion.
ENTERING
SCIENTOLOGY: BECOMING A CONSTITUENT-ADHERENT
Resource
Mobilization Theory
McCarthy
and Zald (1977:1221) suggest that a significant
goal of any social movement is to develop
constituent-adherents who will both believe
in and support the movement (1977:1221). Because
a social movement's primary goal is survival,
and it needs resources to achieve this goal,
the movement must generate a large pool of committed
supporters to provide those necessary resources
(McCarthy and Zald 1987: 28). Selective material
incentives (such as increased wealth) and social-emotional
incentives (such as status, friendship,
and self-esteem) that the movement can exchange
for donations bind individuals to an organization,
thus ensuring continued involvement and support
(Bailis 1974; Gamson 1975; summarized in McCarthy
and Zald 1987; 28). Medical professionals
become constituent-adherents when they both
contribute to Scientology financially as PMC clients
and enter the group as members, supporting
it ideologically.(22)
Conversion
Model
If the
professionals accept Scientology's offer of assistance
in solving personal problems, then they sign up
for counseling and become active members of the
social movement. Loftand and Stark identify three
additional stages of increasing involvement: increasing
cult affective bonds, decreasing extra-cult
affective bonds, and intensive interaction
with group members.
Cult-Affective
Bonds. Loftand and Stark (1965:871) refer
to cult-affective bonds as the "development or presence
of some positive, emotional, interpersonal
response" that facilitates acceptance
of the organization's message.(23) For some subjects,
the affective bonds developed with Scientology
recruiters or PMC consultants, and for others
the bonds developed with Scientology counselors.
For one interview subject, the formation
of these bonds occurred during discussions
with a Scientology recruiter about his personality
profile. The medical professional was impressed
by the recruiter's ability to identify personal
problems in his marriage, and by the recruiter's
offer of a solution that fit well with his own
scientific approach to problem solving. In addition,
Scientology's offer of assistance provided
an alternative to psychological counseling,
an option that this individual did not wish to
consider (Hall and Kent 1994: 27-33).
For another
interview subject, the development of cult-affective
bonds occurred later in the interaction
process, during auditing sessions. This medical
professional described auditing as an "incredibly
powerful" experience and indicated that it
was integral to his continued involvement in the
organization (Hall and Kent 1995: 30). Beyond
these two examples, the size of the study makes
it difficult to assess whether or not cult-affective
bonds are essential to continued involvement
with Scientology. Important to note however,
is that other researchers have supported Loftand
and Stark's suggestion that it is integral to the
conversion process (Griel and Rudy 1984:316;
Kox, Meeus, and Hart 1991: 238; Snow and Phillips
1980: 440).
Weak Extra-Cult
Affective Bonds. In Lofland and Stark's
original study, individuals with strong extra-cult
affective bonds did not engage in continued
involvement with the ideological organization
(1965: 873). This same effect appears in the
experiences of a number of subjects in the present
study. In other words, in cases where outside
interest compete with an individual's intentions
regarding conversion, conversion is unlikely
to occur.
The families
of two of the interview subjects engaged
in considerable efforts to withdraw the professionals
from Scientology involvement. One professional's
spouse prevented him from obtaining financing
for Scientology courses by contacting financial
institutions and requesting that they delay
processing his loan applications (Hall and Kent 1995).
To further hinder her husband's financial
arrangements, the spouse arranged for a team of
ex-Scientology members and an exit-counselor
to discuss the group with him (Hall and Kent
1995: 38). These discussions led to the professional's
decision to discontinue his Scientology
involvement.
Intensive
Interaction. The final stage in Lofland and Stark's
conversion model is intensive interaction
between the recruit and members of the organization.
In support of the original formulation
of the model, both Snow and Phillips (1980)
and Greil and Rudy (1984) found that intensive
interaction was essential to cementing the conversion
process. Because friends and family of the
professionals in the present sample interfered
with the conversion process, it is difficult
to assess the relative importance of intensive
interaction in maintaining member loyalty
in Scientology.
Important
to note, however, is that Scientology staff
members made significant efforts to have the practitioners
continue their involvement as soon as possible
after agreeing to enter the organization.
In some cases, Scientology arranged for staff
members to accompany medical professionals
into their own homes to ensure that they were
making appropriate arrangements for financing
and efforts to begin courses (Geary 1994:
11; Hall and Kent 1994: 75). In these cases, the organization
appears to have attempted to arrange
for circumstances involving intensive interaction
between new and established members beyond
the physical boundaries of the organization.
CONCLUSION
This article
identifies issues that contribute to the social
scientific discussion of Scientology, the training
of medical professionals, and social movement
theory. Regarding Scientology, the organization's
practice management activity in the secular
realm has potential implications for its claims
to be a religious organization. While some authors
conclude that the church of Scientology "is
a deviant business" (Passas and Castillo 1992:110),
they nevertheless conclude that it "must
remain a deviant business that borrows from science,
renews its imaginative jargon, updates its spiritual
techniques, and remains a religion" (Passas
and Castillo 1992:115). In a practical sense,
however, this conclusion means that a religious
body denies its religious connection in order
to train medical professionals in secular office
practice skills. Moreover, its use of these practice
management courses as recruitment efforts suggests
deception toward its target population of professionals,
who do not know of the religious connection
of the programs when they sign up to learn
accounting and office skills. New developments
in the relationship between Scientology
and the American IRS, which included an agreement
to dissolve WISE no later than 31 December
1995, may make Scientology's claims regarding
the secular nature of its management training
programs even more difficult to substantiate.(24)
Medical
professionals may find this study interesting,
since apparently they do not realize how their
deficiency in financial and office management
training predisposes them to become converts
to an ostensibly religious group. Deficiencies
in management training have provided Scientology
with an opportunity to identify and fill a
market niche for these professionals and at the same
time increase its own membership rolls. Ironically,
the emphasis in professional schools on scientific
training to the exclusion of management
training makes these degree-awarding institutions
unwitting participants in the eventual
recruitment efforts of Scientology (and probably
other ideologies that recognize the vulnerabilities
of medically trained professionals).
Finally,
this analysis contributes to social movement
literature in at least two ways. The incorporation
of a conversion model in the context of a resource
mobilization understanding of recruitment
strategies illustrates the benefits of viewing
the motives of the potential converts in relation
to organizational demands. Likewise, the combined
analysis of predisposing factors among potential
converts to an ostensible religious movement
provides an expanded understanding of a context
to conversion and a social psychological dimension
to organizational recruitment efforts. And even
though Scientology's goals of 'clearing the planet'
differ significantly from the more limited
personal self-improvement goals of medical professionals,
the two coincide in the involvement of professionals
in PMCs.
Direct
correspondence to Deana Hall, Department of Sociology,
5-21 Tory Building, University of Alberta,
Edmonton, Alberta, Canada T6G 2H4. I would
like to express my sincerest appreciation to
Dr. Stephen
Kent. This article would not have been possible
without his tireless support and guidance.
I also would like to thank all of the individuals
who donated their time, personal accounts,
and supporting documentation to the project.
1 According
to McCarthy and Zald, a social movement
is a voluntary collectivity "that people support
in order to effect changes in society" (McCarthy
and Zald 1973: 2). While critics might dispute
the voluntary nature of Scientology's members,
no one would dispute that Scientology strives
to change society. As the movement's own literature
states, the organization and its members
aspire to the goal of "clearing the planet"
(Church of Scientology International 1994: 9-10).
This goal involves recruiting as many individuals
as possible and convincing them to achieve
a status known as "clear." By converting the world's
population to its doctrines, Scientology
aspires to "reverse the downward direction
of the current civilization and actually bring
about a cleared planet" (Church of Scientology
International 1994: 3).
2 Scientology's
considerable financial holdings and extensive
membership base warrant an economically-based
sociological analysis. Currently
the organization operates in 86 countries
and, according to author Richard Behar, controls
a four hundred million dollar empire (Behar
1986: 315; Lopez 1993: H5). In addition, one recent
statement by an organization official in New
York State indicates that approximately eight
million people worldwide have participated in Scientology
courses, and a further five hundred thousand
take their first Scientology course each year (Lopez
1993: H5). Thus, investigation into the organization's
financial and membership components
is imperative.
3 At least
three published sources identify the link between
Scientology and its PMCs. For example Passas
states that "the [Church of Scientology] recruits
well-to-do individuals through a number of consultancy
firms with secret ties to it. Stirling
(sic) Management Systems, for example, allegedly
targets health-care professionals with the promise
to help them dramatically increase their
income, offers seminars and courses priced at $10,000,
and lures them to the [Church of Scientology]"
(1994: 221). See also Passas and Castillo
(1992) and Zellner (1995).
4 Three
distinct research methods provided information
necessary to examine the relationship between
Scientology, its PMCs, and their clients.
First,
I conducted a content analysis of primary documents,
including Canadian dental, veterinary, and chiropractic
school calendars along with media and legal
accounts of professionals' experiences with Scientology's
practice management programs.
Second,
I conducted personal interviews with medical/dental
professionals previously or currently
involved in the Scientology-affiliated practice
management courses. And third, I completed
a literature review of Scientology internal
documents and the course contents of one of the
practice management training programs. Available
internal documents included Scientology textbooks
and dictionaries and World Institute of Scientology
Enterprises (WISE) advertisements and publications.
Because
it was difficult to locate a large sample of medical
professionals to interview regarding experience
with the practice management companies of interest
to this study, I chose to supplement my interviews
with content analysis of secondary data,
in the form of media accounts. I was able to obtain
thirteen individual media accounts of personal
experience with Scientology's medical practice
management programs. Together, the articles
recounted the experiences of fifty-four medical
professionals, including dentists, veterinarians,
chiropractors, and podiatrists, as well as
former and current employees of the practice
management companies in question. Furthermore,
I obtained one legal affidavit, which summarizes
the personal experience of a dentist with one
of Scientology's affiliated practice management
programs.
Coding
and collecting data occurred in three stages.
First, I coded the information contained in the
media and accounts into sixteen conceptual categories,
so that I could accumulate and compare information
contained in each individual's experience
with the practice management programs. Second,
I conducted personal interviews with medical/dental
professionals previously or currently
involved with Scientology-affiliated practice
management courses. I personally conducted
interviews with one veterinarian, one dental
office manager, and one chiropractor, and participated
in the interview of an additional dentist.
In addition, I obtained a transcript of an interview
with a former Scientology staff member
involved in one of the practice management companies.
The interviews involved general open-ended
questions, and essentially followed the practitioners
in a linear sequence through their involvement
with the PMC and Scientology. I conducted
and audio-taped interviews both in person
and via telephone. Interviews ranged in length
from one to four hours. Interviewee involvement
ranged from participation in an introductory
seminar to full membership in Scientology.
I utilized snow-ball sampling to access
individuals who had contact with the PMCs that are
of interest to the study.
5 The
analyses usually takes place in two stages. The first
stage involves an extensive conversation between
consultant and client, and the second stage
involves a close scrutiny of the medical professional's
practice documents, staff, and in some cases,
interviews with patients (Hall and Kent 1995:
10).
6 The
test contains 200 questions to which respondents
reply "yes," "maybe or sometimes," or "no"
regarding how they would respond in specific situations.
Scientology uses test results to determine
that an individual would benefit from Scientology
auditing (counselling therapy) (Dexheimer
1991: 12). Indeed, a Scientology policy letter
instructs test evaluators to say at the low points
on the resulting graphs, "Scientology training
can raise that"' (Hubbard 1960: 164).
7 The
remaining discussion identifies the three stages
of recruitment (initial interaction, practice
management training, and participation in Scientology).
For each stage I discuss the appropriate
components of both Lofland and Stark's model
and resource mobilization theory.
8 Individuals
who support the social movement financially.
9 Scientology's
WISE division licenses individual Scientologists
to use L. Ron Hubbard's ideas in personal
or corporate ventures outside of Scientology.
WISE ensures correct implementation and adherence
to Hubbard's doctrine and ideology.
10 Advertising
through direct-mail and the media is a characteristic
common to McCarthy and Zald's "professional
social movements" (1973, 1987: 59-60).
McCarthy and Zald used the term "professional
social movements" to describe a new form of
social movement that evolved out of the "bureaucratization
of social discontent" (McCarthy and Zald
1973: 3). In this evolutionary development,
functions historically served by a movement's
members were being taken over by highly skilled,
paid workers. Professional social movements
were able to use their monetary resources
to hire specialists in the areas of marketing
and promotion, fund-raising, legal counsel,
lobbying, and leadership (McCarthy and Zald 1973:
15-16, 20-23).
According
to John McCarthy (1987:59-61), direct-mail
and media solicitations represent attempts
by professional social movements to develop
social networks, or infrastructures, among loosely
affiliated potential adherents (ideological
supporters), where they do not already
exist. PMC advertisements that highlight testimonials
from established medical professionals
offer an example of attempts to develop
movement-generated social networks. These testimonials
serve as validation of the PMC programs
among individual professionals that are similar
to, but isolated from one another. They are a
means of generating a social network for the purpose
of sharing a potentially valuable service,
or mobilization
tool - in this case, practice management
training based on the works of L. Ron Hubbard.
In addition to publishing their own journals,
the PMCs also advertise in respected professional
journals (Hall and Kent 1995: 3-4).
11 Through
a licensing agreement between individual
PMCs and WISE, Scientology receives a royalty
of approximately ten percent on all money invested
in training and materials by PMC clients (Koff
1987). Regardless of whether PMC clients choose
to actively join Scientology, a portion of their
consulting fees supports it, making them financial
constituents of the social movement.
12 Lofland
and Stark (1965: 864) operationalize total
conversion as a state in which converts express
both active and verbal commitments to the organization.
13 A number
of economic, social, and personal strains
may impinge upon a medical professional at any one
time. Presumably, individual responses to these
factors will vary considerably. The issue that is
of importance to this study is the process that occurs
when these individual tensions lead to a determinable
social pattern of response, which in this
case involves medical professionals obtaining
practice management training from Scientology
and its affiliated PMCs.
14 In
order to establish a cursory but objective measure
of the amount of practice management training
that students receive during their professional
education, I obtained information regarding
the proportion of educational hours devoted
to imparting these skills in dental, veterinary,
and chiropractic colleges in Canada. In procuring
this information, I utilized two complimentary
methods. First, whenever possible, I acquired
information directly from university/calendars.
Second, when that information
was not available, I contacted the colleges
and requested the appropriate information.
By using both methods, I was able to obtain
usable data from ten of the fifteen colleges
in the sample. This summary does not evaluate
the content or quality of information imparted
to students during their coursework. Instead,
it represents an objective measure of the amount
of time spent on training medical professionals
in practice management skills. The analysis
indicates that the percentage of instructional
hours devoted to imparting practice management
skills within designated practice management
courses to dental, veterinary, and chiropractic
students in Canada ranged from 0-1.7 percent
of their total time spent in coursework and training.
The apparently low to non-existent emphasis
on developing these skills supports subjects'
claims that their professional training did not
prepare them to effectively manage their practices.
15 Veterinarians
also appear to be encountering significant
financial pressures. In 1989, the average
annual salary for American veterinarians was only
$48,000, while medical doctors' salaries averaged
$110,000 (Crain 1989: 25). Similar to Canadian
dentists, American veterinarians' income also has
been declining relative to the cost of living.
In addition, more professionals are entering
the field than leaving it, increasing intraprofessional
competition (Crain 1989: 25).
16 Lofland
and Stark (1965: 867-868) documented the necessity
of converts holding a religious problem-solving
perspective prior to their conversions
to what we now know was Unification Church.
By analogy, I argue that professionals heighten
their chances of joining Scientology through
a PMC if they value a scientific or rational
problem-solving perspective that parallels
the PMCs view of management "technology."
The scientific/rational perspective
that the
PMCs emphasize focuses on record-keeping that allows
professionals to measure and reward business
expansion and punish productivity decline,
in a manner similar to Frederick Taylor's Scientific
Management (Krahn and Lowe 1998: 213-216).
17 Between
1983 and 1992, thirty-five thousand North
American health care practitioners took part in Sterling
Management Systems' basic analysis and consultation
services (WISE 1992: 5). In 1988, after
a four-year association with Scientology, Singer
Consultants had an annual client base of between
eight hundred and one thousand medical professionals,
with an associated financial intake of approximately
eight million dollars (Koff 1987; WiSE 1985:
8).
18 Adherents
are individuals who support the social
movement ideologically.
19 Bird
and Westley (1988: 51) indicate that the fee-for-service
mobilization techniques that these groups
utilize have two distinct purposes. They serve
both as a method of raising money and as a proselytization
tool. The groups offer their services
to a largely transient body of clients who have
little or no initial ideological commitment
to the group. Bird and Westley also note that
the groups' initial interest in clients is in
obtaining financial resources (1988: 53).
Important
to realize, however, is that the groups eventually
may seek to obtain more involvement from clients.
Groups need greater commitment from at least
some constituents because "drop-out" rates
in these various programs are very high (Bird
and Westley 1988: 53). By encouraging constituents
to make ideological commitments and become
constituent-adherents, social movements such as
Scientology assure that individuals involve
themselves both ideologically and financially.
20 In
addition to its stated goal of information dissemination,
WISE has additional objectives of a more religious
nature. Within WISE publications, the organization
describes itself as a "religious fellowship
organization" formed "in order to promote
and foster [Hubbard's] Administrative Technology
in society" (WISE 1992: 1). In an interview
with Prosperity magazine, Alan Hollander,
president of Hollander Consulting, summarized
the relationship between WISE, WISE members,
their clients, and the Church of Scientology:
PROSPERITY:
What is your objective as a WISE member ?
HOLLANDER:
My objective is to get as much technology
into the environment as possible because
that is contributing to Clearing the Planet.
In fact, our real product here is clients who are
winning with L. Ron Hubbard's Technology and reaching
for more. We have gotten literally hundreds
of people on the lines. In 1986 alone, we got 82
people started on the Bridge. From March 1986 to
March 1987 the income to [Scientology] organizations
from our clients has been $362,197. My feeling
about this is that WISE members like ourselves
can have a great impact on Clearing the Planet
in terms of dissemination (WISE 1987: 9).
In this
case, Alan Hollander described one of the goals
of his organization as directing clients into Scientology/in
an effort to support the movement's
goal of "Clearing the Planet." Thus, PMCs operate
on behalf of Scientology, mobilizing resources
of both money and new members towards its ideological
ends.
21 The
similarities in the content and format of courses
that both PMCs and Scientology offer reflect
the fact that almost without exception, employees
and executives of Hollander and Sterling also are
practicing Scientologists (Cartwright 1990:
l, 4; Jakush 1989: 7; Koff 1988; Lopez 1993: HI; Ochart
1993b: 193, 263; Witt 1989: 11). At one PMC, raises
and promotions depend upon acceptance of and
enrollement in Scientology courses, so that even if
employees are not Scientologists when they are hired,
they may be pressured to become church members
(Cartwright 1990: 1).
22 Prior
to purchasing courses directly from Scientology,
PMC clients represent isolated constituents
of the social movement (McCarthy and Zald 1987:
29). Isolated constituents have no direct
involvement with the larger social movement,
and are thus tied only tenuously to the organization
(1987: 30). Recruiting these isolated constituents
directly into the social movements and converting
them into constituent-adherents ensures
an increased level of solidarity and financial
support (McCarthy and Zald 1977: 9, 1987:29-31).
Thus, from a resource mobilization perspective,
Scientology utilizes PMCs to locate and obtain
potential elite constituent-adherents to help
ensure its continued existence.
When medical
professionals purchase management consulting
from a PMC affiliated with Hubbard's teachings,
the PMC forwards a portion of that money
to the Scientology social movement. In this stage
of involvement, the professional is a constituent
of the social movement. If the professionals
agree with the results of the personality
profile and agree to participate in Scientology
counseling or training, then they accept
the social movement's ability to assist them in
personal issues. In this stage of involvement,
they become both constituents and adherents
of the movement.
23 In
order for an individual to join a movement, "an
affective bond must develop, if it does not already
exist" (Loftand and Stark 1965:871). The development
of a positive, interpersonal tie between
a prospective member and one or more movement
members is the strongest precipitating factor
in organization entry (Snow and Phillips 1980:
440).
24 The
agreement between Scientology and the IRS
required
that Scientology "no later than 31 December 1995, effectuate
the dissolution of WISE, Inc. and transfer all of its assets,
including but not limited to the Scientology religious marks,
to the Inspector General Network [a high level Scientology management
structure]" (Department of the Treasury - Internal Revenue
Service, 1993). A new variant of the old WISE, Inc., however,
now operates under a slightly different name, as indicated by
the continued publication of Prosperity magazine (WISE 1997).
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